En wahhabist sin oppvåkning

Ikke sin religiøse oppvåkning selvsagt. Den måtte avgå til heden fortere enn pronto. Tullingen Sjeik Ahmad al- Assir står opp.

22 november, Libanons uavhengighetsdag

Det er altså den 68`nde dagen, en dag som markerer 22 november 1943.

Djeveldyrkere i Libanon

En gjeng unge mennesker er arrestert for «djevelyrking» og «selvskading» i Libanonfjellene. Selvsagt er det ikke djeveldyrkere, mer folk som har tattovering og en smak på musikkfronten som ikke deles av meg. Men midtøsten er nå midtøsten. Intet er umulig, når de som er litt for religiøse har for meget makt.

Onde djeveldyrkere, Libanon-Style

Kamal Salibi

Kamal Suleiman Salibi døde 1 september 2011.

NOWlebanon hadde i sin tid et intervju med han;

Prominent historian, author and Professor Emeritus at the American University of Beirut Kamal Salibi sits down with NOW Lebanon to talk candidly about history, the role of Lebanese Christians and the rifts among them, the Sunni-Shia divide, today’s political crisis – and why it is different from 1975.

NOW: Can history teach us anything about the current political divide? Are there parallels to past moments in Lebanese history?

Kamal Salibi: For there to be a divide, you know, the population must be totally involved in the division. This was, I suppose, the case in 1975. Right now, I don’t think the common person is involved in this charade that is going on. People are anxious for the situation to be resolved – shops and restaurants are closing down, and people cannot work. But the division is really a quarrel among politicians.

Now, the exception is a certain proportion of the Shia community who are committed to obstructing the proper running of the state. I do not know if this proportion is large or small, because no exact field research has been done. But they have military arms, so for this reason you can say nothing about the size, because the size is not what is important. So it’s anybody’s guess how many people are really sympathetic to Hezbollah and Nabih Berri and how many are not.

If you are compelled to take a stand – I’d say 50% to 75% of the Shia are for Hezbollah, but I may be wrong. But let’s say Hezbollah, for some reason, suffered a reverse. The number of people who deserted may be immense.

With the Sunnis, however, we are on firmer ground. In Lebanon, the extremists among the Sunni community are in the minority. The number of Lebanese Sunnis who support al-Qaeda is very small. Certainly, they are for the state now.

The greater difference between the Shia and the Sunnis is that Sunni Islam is the Islam of Islamic history. The Sunnis have no quarrel with their history. They are happy with the parts where they experienced glory, and they are unhappy with the parts of their history where they did not experience glory, but they have no quarrel with it. Whereas the Shia do not recognize the version of Islamic history as it took place. So when the Shia say that they are Muslims, it is a slightly different thing from saying you are a Sunni Muslim. Shia are Muslims with a chip on their shoulder, Sunnis are Muslims without a chip on their shoulder.

NOW: Do you think that Lebanon’s politicians are unresponsive to the electorate? Can this be changed?

Salibi: This applies universally. Politicians everywhere in the world are, to my mind, little better than gangsters. But of course, there is a gloss of good manners that covers up their instincts.

During the civil war, I would go to the seaside and park my car. And when I would come to take my car, there would be someone who would say, “I have been taking care of it while you have been eating lunch.” And I’d understand that I had to pay him. If I refused to pay him, next time he might do something to my car to make it dysfunctional, or he might take it – break into it and steal something from it. So I’m really paying him so that his gangster instincts will be on my side and not against me. And I started thinking, you know, this is the way government started! Some people of one bent of mind imposed protection money on others. This protection money ultimately became civilized into taxes. And the gangsters were tamed, and became elected members of parliament, and ministers and presidents of the republic.

Take the story of the Vikings. They were gangsters, but they founded a state. The Danes. The Anglos and the Saxons. The Franks, you name it. All of them began as gangsters.

NOW: Is the civil war divide still applicable in Lebanon? Does the divide between Lebanism and Arabism have any relevance today?

Salibi: No, Arabism is dead. I am one of the few who remember it. The new generation, with whom I am in touch, when you speak about Arabism they don’t understand what you are talking about. This is no longer in the game. Also, there is more religiosity among some communities.

But the Christians are still uncharitable in their attitudes toward the Muslims. Fortunately, they keep their lack of charity to themselves – they don’t openly pronounce it. But if Christians are meeting together and conversing about other non-Christian communities, you sense a total lack of charity among many. Of course, there are others where it is less so. But civility is at a high premium at the moment. There is a lack of true civility.

The Shia, also, among them there are many people – I don’t know how many – with a lack of charity in their view of others. So there is a lack of charity, but not as noxious as that of the Christians. And the Christians, it seems to me, are bent on their own destruction.

NOW: From Michel Sleiman to Michel Aoun, there seems to be a preference for military men to rise to the presidency. Are Lebanese trying to duplicate the model of Fouad Chehab?

Salibi: Michel Sleiman has not become president yet, so I have no idea what he is like. Chehab was president, and I knew him and supported him when he was president. But many Christians didn’t, so I was in a minority.

NOW: You knew Chehab? What sort of man was he?

Salibi: He was a quiet man. He was a cynic, I think. He was principled, and he was very much concerned with the predicament of the Christian Lebanese. He foresaw the decline of the proportion of Christians to Muslims in the country. Chehab tried his best to do things, but of course it was the same sort of coterie that is now making a mess of things formed the opposition to Fouad Chehab.

What I didn’t like about him was his cynicism; the whole “après moi, le deluge” attitude. But by and large he was a very nice man, very clean. When he died, all he had was his pension. And his wife died practically in poverty, not too long ago. He was a very decent man, and he tried hard. I liked him.

NOW: Is the divide among the Christian community fundamentally ideological, or is it driven by personal rivalries among the Christian leaders?

Salibi: I don’t know. What’s the saying? They are off their rockers. And they are so important for the country, by the admission of everyone – including the Shia. Nobody wants the Christians to disappear. They are so bent on destroying themselves – I don’t know why. I mean, it seems that they enjoy the lack of charity more than they enjoy life for some reason. A large enough proportion to make this phenomenon dangerous, at least. 50% want to live a civilized life with everybody else, and 50% are exulting in obstruction. Not because they gain anything from it, but because it’s annoying.

NOW: Are you pessimistic about where the Christian community will be in forty years?

Salibi: Well, nobody is going to throw them out. But I think they are dwindling. When I wrote A House Of Many Mansions, I had more hope for them than now. Like it was said of the émigrés during the French Revolution, “they have learned nothing and forgotten nothing.” But I think there will always be enough Christians to keep Lebanon different from Jordan or Egypt.

Salibi: There very presence is an excuse for the Muslims to say to the ummah, “Look, we are special. We can’t apply Sharia, because we are living with people who are not Muslim. Of course we are Muslim, but we have special circumstances. We cannot comply with the rules that prohibit, for example, alcohol.” The way I put it is that the presence of Christians in Lebanon, in the symbolic form, guarantees your right to have an evening drink.

But notice what’s happening. Nobody is saying we want a non-Christian president. Everybody is saying we want a Maronite. Some people, including half the Maronites, are trying to obstruct the process, but nobody is saying that they don’t want a Maronite. So this should put the minds and hearts of the Christians at ease.

Bassel El Oud, fra Libanon til Utøya

Intervju av Bassel El Oud, som var på Utøya 22 juli. Trykk på bildet for å gå til intervjuet.

Flere kilder;

Hariri og de 21 andre sine drapsmenn

STL la ikke for lenge siden ut arrestordre på fire menn.

Her er de fire;


For litt ironisk vri på Nasrallahs tale. Bruk CC for engelsk tekst, for de som måtte trenge det.

Og nei, israelsk mat er ikke bedre enn libanesisk, men nå er forsåvidt israelsk mat eksakt lik som den libanesiske. For tabbouleh er det bare å se her.

Forsyning av energi til Europa

Iran-Irak-Syria har blitt enige om å bygge en ny gassledning som skal gå igjennom de tre landene, og samtidig forsyne Libanon. Samtidig med at Syria sikkert skal forsynes så skal altså også Europa få en ny linje inn og dermed øke robustheten i forsyningssikkerheten ved at man gjør seg litt mindre avhengig av Russland. Muligheten for opplinking til NABUCCO skal også være der.

Oversikt over linjene fra øst til vest i de nordlige områder

Andre kilder:

Og for å dra en link inn til ABB, der han mener å arbeide for Armenias sak mot muslimene. Iran og Armenia er gode kompiser historisk. Og historie bryter man ikke lett opp. Dessuten er gasslinjene mellom Iran og Armenia allerede bygget og i drift, og man vil bygge mer.

Nasrallahs tale 2 juli 2011

Etter at STL, ventet, gikk ut med tiltale mot fire personer med sterk tilknytning til Hezbollah så var det klart at Nasrallah ville komme med tale;

“In the name of God, the holy, the merciful. Peace and mercy be upon all of you. The nature of the latest events compelled us to hold a press conference, however, my [speech] will replace the press conference. We will be displaying videos throughout the address. I will not be repeating what I have already stated, yet we need to talk about new issues. Of course, the reason for the address is the occasion of what it is said to be the release of the indictment [of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL)] that has named brothers in the Resistance.

This is the result of a process, which is becoming clearer and clearer after Israel’s defeat in the 2006 July War and also after the French newspaper Le Figaro reported in August, 2006 that the STL is moving toward indicting Hezbollah members. We assumed at the time that the tribunal was being used as a [retaliation] tool after the Resistance triumphed against Israel. We were clear in the past that we cannot disregard the STL because it is the result of a UN Security Council resolution and it has a purpose that it wants to accomplish.

You remember, we spoke about [the attempts] to distort the image of the Resistance and to incite a strife between the Sunnis and Shia in Lebanon. The timing of the STL indictment release has also a goal of its own that we will tackle it throughout the address.

The first thing we will talk about is the international commission investigating [of the 2005 murder of Rafik Hariri]. The second point will be the tribunal, which is headed by [Judge Antonio] Cassese, and who we are being told to deal with. The third issue [I] will be talking about is our position vis-a-vis the indictment of the court.

Firstly, concerning the investigation: The investigation is supposed to find the truth and uncover it. At first, [the investigation] intended [to target] Syria and its officials, then it moved toward [involving] Hezbollah in the murder. We mentioned the possibility of having Israel involved in the murder and the fact that [Israeli] agents were present at the murder scene one day before the murder. Question: Did [STL Prosecutor Daniel] Bellemare take into account the evidence we had spoken about? No one in the STL even asked the Israelis anything. This is normal, why? Because the tribunal, since its formation, had a precise goal and no one was allowed to talk to the Israelis. It is not Hezbollah’s job to conduct a full investigation and submit its results to the STL. Nonetheless, this [is pointless] because the probe is politicized. Instead of investigating the Israelis, [the STL] gathered information from them. Imagine that Israel, instead of being under investigation, it has become a source of information and [the tribunal] is cooperating with.

The people know that when Daniel Bellemare was appointed as the tribunal’s prosecutor and after the cancelling of the internal commission investigating the probe, employees were transported and taken out of Beirut. There are 97 computers that belonged to the internal commission investigating the probe which were transported through the Naqoura border crossing and taken [to Israel]. The question is: why does Bellemare want to take these computers from Lebanon through Israel? Why didn’t they ship them out of the Beirut port? Can Mr. Bellemare answer this question? We will show you a document that proves the computers were transported from South Lebanon to Israel.
Fourth, if this was a just probe, the investigators and experts would not be against the Resistance and they would not have ties with US Intelligence. One of Bellemare’s assistants is a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operative. All of Bellemare’s officers are not neutral and are not seeking the truth.

[A video footage shows information about STL investigators: Najib Nick Keldas, of Australian descent, is shown as having ties to the CIA.

Second, Michael Taylor, third Darell Mandeze, a former Marines officer – from the US – is also presented as having tight relations with the CIA and the FBI.

Also, Doureid Bcherawi, a Lebanese – French citizen, is the first one who accused Syria of murdering Hariri without possessing any piece of evidence.

Additionally, Robert Bear, American, former CIA officer who still has ties to the agency and who worked in Lebanon for years to track down [slain Hezbollah officer] Imad Mughniyeh.]

In addition to the probe’s lack of credibility, the investigators were corrupt, and justice cannot be served. We would like to talk about an example: Commissioner Gerhard Lehmann, [Former Commissioner of the United Nations International Independent Investigation Commission into the assassination of former PM Rafik Hariri] Detlev Mehlis’s assistant, sold information related to the investigation and was corrupt.

[VIDEO FOOTAGE: Lehmann has ties to the Israelis and got paid in return for selling certain reports pertaining to the murder probe.]

Also, the investigation commission was linked to the witnesses who gave unreliable testimonies to the commission. Moreover, Bellemare personally worked and followed up on the mission to lift the international warrant against [the Syrian agent who allegedly misled a UN probe into the 2005 assassination of Rafik Hariri] Mohammad Zouhair al-Siddiq, because [the investigators] were involved in it.

This investigation was not secret, everything was leaked in newspapers. Is there any credibility left? There are leaks made by the STL’s investigative committee [to the international community] in order to distort the image of the Resistance. Where is the secrecy of the investigation? The worst thing happened a few days ago, when the STL delegation of investigators met with [Attorney General Judge] Said Mirza to deliver the indictment and at the same time, the names of the indicted people were being broadcast through media outlets. Did Bellemare investigate the way the names were leaked? I would assume not.

The second main point I would like to talk about is how the indictment is being politically employed. I think the STL indictment was released at this point in time in an attempt to obstruct the parliament in granting its vote of confidence to the newly-formed Lebanese cabinet. There is an aim to bring down the new cabinet. Furthermore [the March 14 parties] want to use the indictment as a weapon in their campaign against the cabinet of Najib Mikati.
A lot of rules and procedures used in the STL’s [investigative process] are very suspicious. There is no justice in the prosecutor’s office. Were the four Lebanese generals – who were detained for four years on suspicion of involvement with the [Rafik Hariri] murder – ever compensated for being detained?

Let us now see who [STL President Judge] Antonio Cassese really is. He is a friend of the Israelis.

[VIDEO FOOTAGE: Antonio Cassese, the current STL president, a close friend of Israel. During the 2010 Herzliya Conference [Israel’s primary global policy annual gathering], Cassese was described as a “friend of Israel who was not able to attend the meeting.”]

To the Lebanese people, who are hearing reports that there might be strife or war in Lebanon, I would like to say that there will not be conflict between the Lebanese, especially between the Sunnis and the Shia. Rest assured, nothing has happened or will happen, unless a third party will interfere seeking to spark a conflict. We are supposed to preserve [peace in] the country and prevent the STL and its indictment from reaching its goals [i.e. to spark a conflict]. Therefore, no need to worry.

I would like to tell the March 14 parties that you have the right to form an opposition…. but I have two pieces of advice for you. The first is to not hold the cabinet of Prime Minister Najib Mikati responsible for not being able to carry out the arrest warrants [of the STL’s prosecutor’s office]. Even if the cabinet was backed by March 14, it will not be able to carry out the warrants and arrest the indicted people. I don’t think that they will be able to arrest; not in 30 days… not in 300 years.

Second piece of advice for March 14: Do not ask PM Mikati to give up his goals in order to remain in power, just like [ former PM] Saad Hariri did.

Finally, I want to tell the supporters of the Resistance to not be worried; this is part of a war we are fighting since the establishment of the Zionist entity. For us, this war is not surprising and it does not affect us. We have been ready since the 1980s. We have to handle it as if it were something normal, they will not get to us. There will not be any problem, we will fight this bravely and firmly.

I also want to tell our supporters that there are some, including certain Lebanese figures, who want to provoke you. Some people are dreaming of it, especially some March 14 Christians. [Our supporters] might be provoked, but do not give course to these provocations, we must be patient and disregard incitements.

To sum up, this investigation and this tribunal were established to serve a political goal, the STL. Its rules and its president were selected to serve the same goal. This tribunal is American and Israeli, we reject it and everything issued by it. We consider it an act of aggression against us and we will not let it get to us and we will not allow it to incite strife in Lebanon.

If we act reasonably and wisely, I think we can overcome this incident. The expectations of the Israelis will not be met, the Resistance is firm and strong. Do not worry about [the Resistance]. Peace and mercy be upon you all.”

Oversatt av NowLebanon.

Hariri sitt møte med Mustafa Badreddine, Salim Ayyash, Hassan Aneissy og Assad Sabra

STL har pekt på hvem de tror stod bak drapet av Hariri og 22 andre i 2005.

Mustafa Badreddine

Libanon og internett

Forhører: Navn?
Mugshotkar; Abed al-Aa`d Ontornet (sitte-å-vente-på-nett-slave)

Forhører: Nasjonalitet?
Mugshotkar; Libanesisk

Forhører: Vis meg høyre side. Alder?
Mugshotkar; Det vil ta slutt

Forhører: Snu deg til front. Hvorfor er du her?
Mugshotkar; «Sir», jeg lastet opp noen kilo

Forhører: Kilo av hva?
Mugshotkar; Noen kilobytes, sir.


Fordi jeg vil ha internet…Jeg vil ikke ha ontornet.